Blog Traffic Statistics & Tulip Siddiq

Last month was a record million visitors to this chronicle. What's most interesting is that very little of that traffic comes from the UK and it's not my new posts that are read by many. It's all those years of conspiracy research sucking in the attention. Brazil is the top source, and so it follows the great awakening is most sanguine over there. What tickles me is unusual places like Bangladesh provided over 35K visitors, and so my appeal to them is this. Tulip Siddiq, sitting UK Labour MP for Hampstead and Highgate and former Treasury minister, faces arrest warrants and in-absentia convictions in Bangladesh on corruption charges.

A Dhaka court issued an arrest warrant for her in April 2025 as part of investigations into land allocation during her aunt Sheikh Hasina’s premiership. She was tried in absentia and sentenced on 1 December 2025 to two years in prison plus a 100,000 taka fine in one case involving alleged influence over state land plots for family members. Bangladeshi courts have since imposed further sentences, bringing the total to six years across three separate corruption cases. In February 2026 a court ordered authorities to request an Interpol red notice for her arrest.

 

What can I do to facilitate Tulip's repatriation to Bangladesh? We live in a golden age of corruption and a lot of criminal Bangladeshi money is in the UK.

 

The Baron and the Blogger: Lord Finkelstein, The Holly & Me

 

 

For an extended period, Lord Daniel Finkelstein - via the account @dannythefink - has seen fit to mention my  name approximately ninety times in public posts. On each occasion the insertion has carried the same accompanying descriptors: Jew-hater, antisemite, holocaust denier. One variant that recurs is the additional claim that the target calls the event the “holohoax" when I was careful to state this applied to the six million figure. The labels arrive ready-formed, detached from any sustained quotation or analysis of the actual writing and video evidence in question.

The pattern is striking for its duration and its asymmetry. A sitting peer, former newspaper executive, and regular columnist possesses resources of platform and attention that most writers do not. Directing a measurable fraction of those resources toward the repeated public tagging of a single independent blogger suggests either an unusually narrow conception of threat or a conviction that repetition itself will eventually produce the desired social or professional consequence. In practice the consequence has remained limited. The posts exist; the broader uptake has not followed in any sustained or consequential form. In fact quite the reverse.

The motivations remain a matter of inference rather than declaration. The output being policed covers theological history, Roman textual questions around early Christianity, and a long-standing critique of political Zionism as an arrangement of power rather than an ethnic essential. None of this output has included calls for violence or collective ethnic attribution. The consistent translation of that output into the standard dis-qualifiers therefore functions less as textual criticism and more as boundary enforcement: certain lines of historical or political argument are to be placed outside permissible discourse by pre-emptive naming.

The investment of time across dozens of interventions is the element that resists easy explanation. Each mention requires a decision to locate the name, to attach the descriptors, and to publish. Over ninety iterations the cumulative expenditure is non-trivial for someone whose primary occupation lies elsewhere. The intended audience for these interventions appears to have been other participants in the same conversational threads as well as a general readership. The effect on that general readership has been negligible; the name continues to circulate in its original contexts without the predicted contagion of universal revulsion.

My own stance toward the individual remains one of indifference rather than reciprocity. No parallel campaign of tagging, no compilation of past statements for public redistribution, no suggestion that personal history or communal affiliation renders the peer’s arguments inadmissible. Disagreement with the political project of Zionism - its territorial outcomes, its influence operations, its framing of criticism - does not require or produce personal hostility toward any particular holder of those views. The labels conflate the two categories by design.

Public reception, especially among younger observers, has shifted in ways that the labeling strategy does not appear to have arrested. The circulation of 5K HD footage documenting the genocide in Gaza — material that records the physical scale of destruction and the reported human toll reaching figures cited as high as 600,000 when indirect effects, missing persons, and restricted access for independent reporters are taken into account — has altered the terms on which appeals to singular historical sanctity are received. When the same descriptors are applied uniformly to anyone noting the footage or questioning proportionality, the descriptors lose granularity. The audience does not conclude that the footage is fabricated; it concludes that the labeling mechanism is over-extended. That conclusion is reached through direct visual evidence rather than through curated retrospectives, and it is reached most readily by those whose political formation post-dates the earlier consensus.

The record therefore shows a sustained effort at narrative containment through character designation. The effort has consumed platform time across multiple years and multiple dozens of interventions. It has produced some of the isolation or professional penalty that the volume of repetition might have been expected to generate. The target remains an online writer of no institutional standing, continuing to publish archival and analytical work without measurable contraction of access or audience. The asymmetry — one side expending sustained public effort, and resources, the other registering the effort and continuing — is the only durable outcome visible from the outside.

Lord Finkelstein retains his column, his peerage, and his capacity to allocate attention as he sees fit. If the allocation continues to include further mentions of the same name attached to the same descriptors, the pattern will simply extend - the Streisand effect if you will. The cost, measured in the credibility of the mechanism rather than in any single column inch, is already visible in the diminishing returns the mechanism now encounters among those who have seen the 5K material for themselves.

 

Danny wasn't the only prominent jew who piled in on me and I'll be documenting their efforts, in good time but the point is that technique is now obsolete and serves only to draw attention to the perpetrators of support for crimes against humanity.

 

This is far more odious than any historical dispute that needs protection from the law to enforce its iniquity. Hurty words vs live streamed dismemberment and slaughter of children?  It's no contest to the decent human being. The indecent have no comprehension of this. Literally none at all.